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Occupy
Dans Occupy, Chomsky souligne que l’un des plus grands succès du mouvement est de mettre les inégalités de la vie quotidienne à l’ordre du jour, influençant la presse, sensibilisant le public et le discours lui-même.
128 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2012
About the author
Noam Chomsky
978 books15.4k followersAvram Noam Chomsky is an American linguist, philosopher, political activist, author, and lecturer. He is an Institute Professor and professor emeritus of linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Chomsky is credited with the creation of the theory of generative grammar, considered to be one of the most significant contributions to the field of linguistics made in the 20th century. He also helped spark the cognitive revolution in psychology through his review of B. F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior, in which he challenged the behaviorist approach to the study of behavior and language dominant in the 1950s. His naturalistic approach to the study of language has affected the philosophy of language and mind. He is also credited with the establishment of the Chomsky hierarchy, a classification of formal languages in terms of their generative power. Beginning with his critique of the Vietnam War in the 1960s, Chomsky has become more widely known for his media criticism and political activism, and for his criticism of the foreign policy of the United States and other governments.
According to the Arts and Humanities Citation Index in 1992, Chomsky was cited as a source more often than any other living scholar during the 1980–1992 time period, and was the eighth-most cited scholar in any time period.
Chomsky is credited with the creation of the theory of generative grammar, considered to be one of the most significant contributions to the field of linguistics made in the 20th century. He also helped spark the cognitive revolution in psychology through his review of B. F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior, in which he challenged the behaviorist approach to the study of behavior and language dominant in the 1950s. His naturalistic approach to the study of language has affected the philosophy of language and mind. He is also credited with the establishment of the Chomsky hierarchy, a classification of formal languages in terms of their generative power. Beginning with his critique of the Vietnam War in the 1960s, Chomsky has become more widely known for his media criticism and political activism, and for his criticism of the foreign policy of the United States and other governments.
According to the Arts and Humanities Citation Index in 1992, Chomsky was cited as a source more often than any other living scholar during the 1980–1992 time period, and was the eighth-most cited scholar in any time period.
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November 14, 2017
كتاب صغير به ثلاث او اربع مقابلات لتشومسكي يتكلم بها عن حركة
OCCUPY
فتشومسكي يشيد بالحركة انتشارها فى أماكن كثيرة بالولايات المتحدة , وينصح الحركة بعدم اختراع زعيم لها فهم من يجب أن يقرروا , ويجب ان ينضموا لبقية الحركات فى باقي الولايات حتى يقوموا بالتنظيم وعمل مظاهرة او اضراب بالتنسيق مع بعضهم .
فيقول لهم ان يقوموا بعمل حوارات ومناقشات مع العامة فى الشوارع لإيضاح الصورة لهم وان الوعي الذى اصاب أفراد الحركة يجب نقله لبقية العامة مثل نقل الشعب من واقع الاستهلاك والرخاء والالهاء الذى اغرقتهم به الحكومات الى الواقع الحقيقي ومعرفة مثلا كيف ان رجال الأعمال الذين يمثلون الـ 1% يسرقوا بقية الشعب الــ99% , ومناقشات لتوضيح كذب الاعلام الذي هاجم الحركة وقال من اين لهم الأموال وليس لهم برنامج سياسي ولماذا لا يعودون الى منازلهم !!!!!
لم يعجبني فقط جزء خاص ذكره عن حرب العراق وتشبيها بحرب فيتنام .
الكتاب مفيد لكن موجه الى الشعب الأمريكي بالأساس حتى أنه فى نهاية الكتاب ارقام حقوقين للمساعدة فى حالة القبض على احد من اعضاء
OCCUPY
January 3, 2024
كيف بلغنا هذا الحد في الولايات الأمريكية؟ قال تشومسكي، "هذه ليست تعاسة العالم الثالث. لكنها ليست ما يجب على مجتمع غني أن يكونه، بل إنه في الواقع الأغنى في العالم، محاطاً بوفرة من الثروة التي يمكن للناس رؤيتها ولكن ليس في جيوبهم
- مجموعة من الحوارات يجيب نعوم تشومسكي عن بعض الأسئلة في لقاءات مع أنصار حركة "احتلوا".
- يسلّط تشومسكي الضوء على تلك الفئة التي لا تشكل اكثر من 1% وتتركز السلطة المالية والسياسية في يدها.
- يدعو الأفراد الى الإنفتاح المجتمعي والتعلّم من بعض، لا يعطيهم حلول جاهزة او يدعي ب��نه يمتلكها
- رغم ان الكتيب يتوجه الى أعضاء الحركة الأمريكيين، إلا انه يمكن للقارئ العربي الإستفادة منه فكل المشاكل هناك لدينا اياها ولو بصورة اكثر رجعية وبدائية.
December 10, 2017
This book is not written by Noam Chomsky per se, but is rather a compilation of transcripts from interviews he has done and speeches he has given relating to the Occupy Movement. There is a lot of information and insight in this book for anyone who is interested in the Occupy Movement and sympathises somewhat with its political direction, but anyone wanting a more in-depth analysis of the movement will not find it here. This is a mere pamphlet.
There is some repetition of points made in the few sections of the book and ultimately I think the information of most practical use to a member of the Occupy Movement is written on the last two or three pages, presumably by one of the editors, after the book is effectively finished. These last few pages give practical information to a demonstrator about their legal rights in the USA and how to deal with the police.
I cannot complain though because I did enjoy it. If you're interested in the movement and its future then I would recommend this book.
There is some repetition of points made in the few sections of the book and ultimately I think the information of most practical use to a member of the Occupy Movement is written on the last two or three pages, presumably by one of the editors, after the book is effectively finished. These last few pages give practical information to a demonstrator about their legal rights in the USA and how to deal with the police.
I cannot complain though because I did enjoy it. If you're interested in the movement and its future then I would recommend this book.
June 27, 2020
پیشخوان: ترجمه و ویراستاری اش تعریف چندانی ندارد. چه بسا اگر بهتر بود به کتاب پنج میدادم
.
.
این روزها که خیابان های آمریکا یکی یکی تسخیر می شوند خواندن کتابی که هشت سال پیش با چنین موضوعی منتشر شده خیلی جالب است. دقیقا یک ماه پیش بود که جورج فلوید سیاه پوست زیر فشار زانوی پلیس آمریکا خفه شد و مرگش یکی از بزرگترین تظاهرات اعتراضی چند دهه اخیر را در آمریکا رقم زد. آخرین اخبار امروز از آمریکا وضعیت آماده باش در واشنگتن دی سی، اسقرار نیروهای گارد ملی در این ایالت ، رد شدن طرح اصلاح پلیس در سنا و برداشتن روسری با زور از سر یک دختر مسلمان توسط پلیس ایالت میامی و در جریان اعتراضات خیابانی است.
خواندن این کتاب برای ما روشن میکند آمریکا در یک وضعیت اتفاقی و موردی یا یک بحران گذرا به سر نمی برد. اینجا در بین سخنان و نوشته های یکی از بزرگترین فیلسوفان امروز غرب که دستکم شناختش از جهان غربی و به ویژه سرزمین آمریکا شاید بیش از هرکس دیگری است، درمی یابیم بحران های درونی جامعه آمریکا به بیشترین میزان خود رسیده. کشوری که با ادعای نجات حقوق بشر به کشورهای دیگر حمله نظامی میکند در کشور خود بیشترین بحران های نژادپرستی و حقوق بشری را دارد. کشوری که ادعای سرزمین فرصت ها را دارد بدترین وضعیت اقتصادی را برای 99درصد مردم خود رقم زده
خواندن این کتاب هم برای فهمیدن باطن آمریکا از پس ظاهر هالیوودی و آرمانیش و دانستن زمینههای وضعیت اخیرش مفید است، هم از جهت تذکری برای خودمان، که کدام خصلت هایمان آمریکایی است و باید از توسعه اش جلوگیری کنیم.
چند سطر از کتاب بنویسم {جملات داخل گیومه از چامسکی و کلمات داخل کروشه از من است به عنوان هشتگ}:
1. «مردم بومی آمریکا در این کشور هیچ حقی ندارند. در قانون اساسی آمریکا رده بندی موجوداتی به نام «سه پنجم انسان» برای جمعیت به بردگی گرفته شده وجود دارد. آنان اشخاص مدنی به حساب نمی آیند» {جرج فلوید + سیاه پوستان + سرخ پوستان}
*
2. «آمریکا تنها کشور جهان است که نه تنها هیچ اقدام سازنده ای برای حفظ محیط زیست انجام نمی دهد، بلکه سعی میکند دیگر گروه ها را نیز از یاری رساندن به بحران محیط زیست باز دارد»
*
3. «عملا میشود کسری بودجه را از بین برد، به شرطی که آمریکا دنبال یک سیستم بهداشت و درمانی که در سایر کشورهای صنعتی جهان هست باشد (کف زدن های مردم)» {کرونا}
*
4. «درآمد اکثر مردم رو به نزول است، عواید سیر نزولی داشته و ساعات کار رو به افزایش بوده. این یک بدبختی جهان سومی نیست، اتفاقی است که قرار نبود در درون یک جامعه ثروتمند رخ بدهد. ثروتمندترین کشور جهان با ثروتهای زیاد که مردم شاهدش هستند ولی اثری از آن در جیبهایشان وجود ندارد» {صدای آمریکا!}
*
5. «طی ۱۵۰ سال تلاش های فراوان شد تا "روحیهٔ جدید قرن" را در میان مردم جا بیاندازند. روحیهای که میگوید: "ثروت به دست آور و به جز خود همه را به فراموشی بسپار"» {اخلاق آمریکایی، انسان سکولار، کرونا}
*
6. «در آمریکا شرایط چنان است که حتی در درون کنگره اگر کسی پستی و مقامی را میطلبد باید آن را بخرد. پیش از این کمیتهای بود که بر مبنای قابلیتهای فرد، از جمله ارشدیت، خدمت و غیره به آنها جایگاهی میداد. اینک هر جایگاهی را که میخواهید باید پولش را بدهید.» {دموکراسی}
*
7. «این یک اقتصاد محافظتشده نیست بلکه یک نظام مالی قمارخانهای مانند کازینو است که در آن ۹۹ درصد جامعه که مردمی قدرتمند و پولدار نیستند پیوسته آسیب میبینند.» {ترامپ قمارباز!}
*
8. «طبقات حاکم این را درک کردند که دیگر نمی توانند با توسل به زور مردم را کنترل کنند... آنها بر این باورند که باید تاکتیکهایشان را برای کنترل باورها عوض کنند و نه اینکه به چوبزدن اکتفا کنند... باید نگرشها و باورها را کنترل کرد و این زمانی است که صنعت روابط اجتماعی و مردمی شروع میشود. این کار در آمریکا انگلستان شروع شد، کشورهای آزادی که شما برای کنترل باورها و نگرشها حتما باید صنعت عمدهای داشته باشید برای هدایتکردن مردم به سوی مصرف، انفعال، بیعلاقگی، حواس پرتی و همه چیزهایی که خودتان بهتر می دانید چیست.»
{اینستاگرام}
*
9. «آنها مخالف کمکهای رفاهی اند اما هزینه و خرج های زیادی برای همسر و فرزندان خود می کنند.»
{آقازادههای فاسد + مدیران فاسد}
*
و البته چامسکی در پایان این را هم می گوید:
10. «امیدوار بودن در زمان بد به معنا و مفهوم رمانتیک بودن احمقانه نیست بلکه مبتنی بر واقعیت است که نشان میدهد تاریخ بشر تنها تاریخ ظلم ستم نبوده، بلکه صفحاتی از شفقت ایثار تشویق و مهربانی ها نیز داشته است»
{عدالت طلبی غیربیمارگون}
.
.
این روزها که خیابان های آمریکا یکی یکی تسخیر می شوند خواندن کتابی که هشت سال پیش با چنین موضوعی منتشر شده خیلی جالب است. دقیقا یک ماه پیش بود که جورج فلوید سیاه پوست زیر فشار زانوی پلیس آمریکا خفه شد و مرگش یکی از بزرگترین تظاهرات اعتراضی چند دهه اخیر را در آمریکا رقم زد. آخرین اخبار امروز از آمریکا وضعیت آماده باش در واشنگتن دی سی، اسقرار نیروهای گارد ملی در این ایالت ، رد شدن طرح اصلاح پلیس در سنا و برداشتن روسری با زور از سر یک دختر مسلمان توسط پلیس ایالت میامی و در جریان اعتراضات خیابانی است.
خواندن این کتاب برای ما روشن میکند آمریکا در یک وضعیت اتفاقی و موردی یا یک بحران گذرا به سر نمی برد. اینجا در بین سخنان و نوشته های یکی از بزرگترین فیلسوفان امروز غرب که دستکم شناختش از جهان غربی و به ویژه سرزمین آمریکا شاید بیش از هرکس دیگری است، درمی یابیم بحران های درونی جامعه آمریکا به بیشترین میزان خود رسیده. کشوری که با ادعای نجات حقوق بشر به کشورهای دیگر حمله نظامی میکند در کشور خود بیشترین بحران های نژادپرستی و حقوق بشری را دارد. کشوری که ادعای سرزمین فرصت ها را دارد بدترین وضعیت اقتصادی را برای 99درصد مردم خود رقم زده
خواندن این کتاب هم برای فهمیدن باطن آمریکا از پس ظاهر هالیوودی و آرمانیش و دانستن زمینههای وضعیت اخیرش مفید است، هم از جهت تذکری برای خودمان، که کدام خصلت هایمان آمریکایی است و باید از توسعه اش جلوگیری کنیم.
چند سطر از کتاب بنویسم {جملات داخل گیومه از چامسکی و کلمات داخل کروشه از من است به عنوان هشتگ}:
1. «مردم بومی آمریکا در این کشور هیچ حقی ندارند. در قانون اساسی آمریکا رده بندی موجوداتی به نام «سه پنجم انسان» برای جمعیت به بردگی گرفته شده وجود دارد. آنان اشخاص مدنی به حساب نمی آیند» {جرج فلوید + سیاه پوستان + سرخ پوستان}
*
2. «آمریکا تنها کشور جهان است که نه تنها هیچ اقدام سازنده ای برای حفظ محیط زیست انجام نمی دهد، بلکه سعی میکند دیگر گروه ها را نیز از یاری رساندن به بحران محیط زیست باز دارد»
*
3. «عملا میشود کسری بودجه را از بین برد، به شرطی که آمریکا دنبال یک سیستم بهداشت و درمانی که در سایر کشورهای صنعتی جهان هست باشد (کف زدن های مردم)» {کرونا}
*
4. «درآمد اکثر مردم رو به نزول است، عواید سیر نزولی داشته و ساعات کار رو به افزایش بوده. این یک بدبختی جهان سومی نیست، اتفاقی است که قرار نبود در درون یک جامعه ثروتمند رخ بدهد. ثروتمندترین کشور جهان با ثروتهای زیاد که مردم شاهدش هستند ولی اثری از آن در جیبهایشان وجود ندارد» {صدای آمریکا!}
*
5. «طی ۱۵۰ سال تلاش های فراوان شد تا "روحیهٔ جدید قرن" را در میان مردم جا بیاندازند. روحیهای که میگوید: "ثروت به دست آور و به جز خود همه را به فراموشی بسپار"» {اخلاق آمریکایی، انسان سکولار، کرونا}
*
6. «در آمریکا شرایط چنان است که حتی در درون کنگره اگر کسی پستی و مقامی را میطلبد باید آن را بخرد. پیش از این کمیتهای بود که بر مبنای قابلیتهای فرد، از جمله ارشدیت، خدمت و غیره به آنها جایگاهی میداد. اینک هر جایگاهی را که میخواهید باید پولش را بدهید.» {دموکراسی}
*
7. «این یک اقتصاد محافظتشده نیست بلکه یک نظام مالی قمارخانهای مانند کازینو است که در آن ۹۹ درصد جامعه که مردمی قدرتمند و پولدار نیستند پیوسته آسیب میبینند.» {ترامپ قمارباز!}
*
8. «طبقات حاکم این را درک کردند که دیگر نمی توانند با توسل به زور مردم را کنترل کنند... آنها بر این باورند که باید تاکتیکهایشان را برای کنترل باورها عوض کنند و نه اینکه به چوبزدن اکتفا کنند... باید نگرشها و باورها را کنترل کرد و این زمانی است که صنعت روابط اجتماعی و مردمی شروع میشود. این کار در آمریکا انگلستان شروع شد، کشورهای آزادی که شما برای کنترل باورها و نگرشها حتما باید صنعت عمدهای داشته باشید برای هدایتکردن مردم به سوی مصرف، انفعال، بیعلاقگی، حواس پرتی و همه چیزهایی که خودتان بهتر می دانید چیست.»
{اینستاگرام}
*
9. «آنها مخالف کمکهای رفاهی اند اما هزینه و خرج های زیادی برای همسر و فرزندان خود می کنند.»
{آقازادههای فاسد + مدیران فاسد}
*
و البته چامسکی در پایان این را هم می گوید:
10. «امیدوار بودن در زمان بد به معنا و مفهوم رمانتیک بودن احمقانه نیست بلکه مبتنی بر واقعیت است که نشان میدهد تاریخ بشر تنها تاریخ ظلم ستم نبوده، بلکه صفحاتی از شفقت ایثار تشویق و مهربانی ها نیز داشته است»
{عدالت طلبی غیربیمارگون}
February 16, 2014
I have a similar set of reservations about this pamphlet as I do other Penguin specials that have been a compilation of transcripts (Ai Wewei Speaks). There is a certain level of redundancy with some of the transcripts and no unifying narrative.
This however can be overlooked because Chomsky is a commanding orator and his views on the Occupy movement are compelling. Occasionally there is a superficiality to his answers, and while he is excellent at showcasing the failings of the economic governence of the US he offers somewhat little in the form of a tangible solution. I understand this superficiality is largely a problem with the question and answer format but Chomsky demonstrates some interesting insights into the American political system and discusses the flawed version of democracy it has invented through corporate personhood. Ultimately this pamphlet goes a long way in lending the Occupy movement legitimacy and if you were one to dismiss its collective aims this book is a good primer.
This however can be overlooked because Chomsky is a commanding orator and his views on the Occupy movement are compelling. Occasionally there is a superficiality to his answers, and while he is excellent at showcasing the failings of the economic governence of the US he offers somewhat little in the form of a tangible solution. I understand this superficiality is largely a problem with the question and answer format but Chomsky demonstrates some interesting insights into the American political system and discusses the flawed version of democracy it has invented through corporate personhood. Ultimately this pamphlet goes a long way in lending the Occupy movement legitimacy and if you were one to dismiss its collective aims this book is a good primer.
November 15, 2014
Oh look it's captain obvious again pointing out shit we already know. Also what's up with page 94 and him saying chemical warfare wasn't used in Iraq the way it was in Vietnam? Hello? Fallujah? I'm sick of this guy now
August 3, 2013
When I bought the book a week ago in Rabat, I thought it was written by Noam Chomsky. When I started flipping thorough its first pages on the bus, I discovered it wasn’t actually written but SPOKEN by Chomsky. This pamphlet is a collection of Chomsky’s speeches and discussions with some Occupy militants where he answers their questions and provides insights for the movement.
The book is divided into 5 main sections: Occupy, After Thirty Years of Class War, InterOccupy, Occupying Foreign Policy and Remembering Howard Zinn. In the end of the book, there is a Q&A section that gives guidelines as to how to protest and what should militants know before they sit-in or when the police knock on the door.
Chomsky calls attention to many interesting issues such as; economics, the working class, the 1% and 99% imagery, political parties, elections, etc. which he discusses not in great depth but with a simplicity that makes international matters accessible for the average reader. Nevertheless, if one is not acquainted with the American political and social systems, one might find some difficulty in absorbing all the jargon.
When asked if he’d speak for and represent the movement, he simply said that his voice wouldn’t be heard and that the PEOPLE should depend on themselves. Chomsky believes that the movement doesn’t need leaders, but that it needs to be organized and mobilized.
The most striking idea I came across in this pamphlet, however, was Chomsky’s vision of how REAL democratic elections should take place. After denouncing the American electoral system which Chomsky regards as “farcical” and “radically undemocratic.” He moves to explaining his idea in an InterOccupy conference call as follows:
"As I mentioned to Occupy Boston, the people in the town would get together have town meetings and discussions and come up with some ideas that they think ought to be done in the locality, in the country, foreign policy, the whole range. They might just pick their own candidates; or, if there are national candidates running, they could say, “You can come to visit us if you’d like, but we don’t want to hear speeches from you, we’re going to tell you what we think policy ought to be, and if you can convince us that you’ll accept these policies and carry them forward, then maybe we’ll vote for you.”"
So basically, Chomsky says that Instead of listening to politicians, politicians must listen to the people. This sounds not like a unique concept but the way Chomsky puts it makes the whole concept crystal clear. I think that this would sound like a very unorthodox idea of how elections should take place to many people. Yet, I am quite positive that they’ll find it very appealing and extremely democratic. The changes, policies and all major decisions should stem from the people, from the base, a bottom-up strategy and not the other way around. This is exactly what the people are longing for.
One could speak volumes about each of the topics discussed in Chomsky’s “Occupy.” The bottom line, though, is that Noam Chomsky continues to be faithful to his beliefs, and he’s always trying to provide all the help necessary for the people’s voice to be heard.
The book is divided into 5 main sections: Occupy, After Thirty Years of Class War, InterOccupy, Occupying Foreign Policy and Remembering Howard Zinn. In the end of the book, there is a Q&A section that gives guidelines as to how to protest and what should militants know before they sit-in or when the police knock on the door.
Chomsky calls attention to many interesting issues such as; economics, the working class, the 1% and 99% imagery, political parties, elections, etc. which he discusses not in great depth but with a simplicity that makes international matters accessible for the average reader. Nevertheless, if one is not acquainted with the American political and social systems, one might find some difficulty in absorbing all the jargon.
When asked if he’d speak for and represent the movement, he simply said that his voice wouldn’t be heard and that the PEOPLE should depend on themselves. Chomsky believes that the movement doesn’t need leaders, but that it needs to be organized and mobilized.
The most striking idea I came across in this pamphlet, however, was Chomsky’s vision of how REAL democratic elections should take place. After denouncing the American electoral system which Chomsky regards as “farcical” and “radically undemocratic.” He moves to explaining his idea in an InterOccupy conference call as follows:
"As I mentioned to Occupy Boston, the people in the town would get together have town meetings and discussions and come up with some ideas that they think ought to be done in the locality, in the country, foreign policy, the whole range. They might just pick their own candidates; or, if there are national candidates running, they could say, “You can come to visit us if you’d like, but we don’t want to hear speeches from you, we’re going to tell you what we think policy ought to be, and if you can convince us that you’ll accept these policies and carry them forward, then maybe we’ll vote for you.”"
So basically, Chomsky says that Instead of listening to politicians, politicians must listen to the people. This sounds not like a unique concept but the way Chomsky puts it makes the whole concept crystal clear. I think that this would sound like a very unorthodox idea of how elections should take place to many people. Yet, I am quite positive that they’ll find it very appealing and extremely democratic. The changes, policies and all major decisions should stem from the people, from the base, a bottom-up strategy and not the other way around. This is exactly what the people are longing for.
One could speak volumes about each of the topics discussed in Chomsky’s “Occupy.” The bottom line, though, is that Noam Chomsky continues to be faithful to his beliefs, and he’s always trying to provide all the help necessary for the people’s voice to be heard.
May 23, 2015
I bought this book on 23rd of May 2013, just a week before Gezi protests, totally by chance.. And now exactly 2 years later I finished it today..
This book is a transcript of Naom Chomsky interviews at different times but for Occupy act.
I've underline a lot of sentences and again it is very sad that history is reoccuring and nothing has been changed..
But somehow "the countless small actions of unknown people" that lie at the roots of "those great moments" that enter the historical record. (with respect to Howard Zinn)
Pg40
But remember, most people don't know that this is happening. Or they may know it is happening, but don't know what it is.
It's necessary to get out into the county and get people to understand what this is about, and what they can do about it, and what the consequences are of not doşng anything about it.
Pg 111
There are places where Howard's life and work should have particular resonance. One, which should be much better know, is Turkey. I know of no other country where leading writers, artists, journalists, academics and other intellectuals have compiled such an impressive record of bravery and integrity in condemning crimes of the state, and going beyond to engage in civil disobedience to try tobring oppression and violence to an end, facing and sometimes enduring severe repression, and then returning to the task.
It is an honorable record, unique to my knowledge, a record of which the country should be proud. And one that should be a model for others, just as Howard Zinn's life and work..
Lastly quote from Angela Davis on pg 122:
We turn occupation into something that is beautiful, something that brings community together, something that calls for love and happiness and hope.
This book is a transcript of Naom Chomsky interviews at different times but for Occupy act.
I've underline a lot of sentences and again it is very sad that history is reoccuring and nothing has been changed..
But somehow "the countless small actions of unknown people" that lie at the roots of "those great moments" that enter the historical record. (with respect to Howard Zinn)
Pg40
But remember, most people don't know that this is happening. Or they may know it is happening, but don't know what it is.
It's necessary to get out into the county and get people to understand what this is about, and what they can do about it, and what the consequences are of not doşng anything about it.
Pg 111
There are places where Howard's life and work should have particular resonance. One, which should be much better know, is Turkey. I know of no other country where leading writers, artists, journalists, academics and other intellectuals have compiled such an impressive record of bravery and integrity in condemning crimes of the state, and going beyond to engage in civil disobedience to try tobring oppression and violence to an end, facing and sometimes enduring severe repression, and then returning to the task.
It is an honorable record, unique to my knowledge, a record of which the country should be proud. And one that should be a model for others, just as Howard Zinn's life and work..
Lastly quote from Angela Davis on pg 122:
We turn occupation into something that is beautiful, something that brings community together, something that calls for love and happiness and hope.
November 30, 2014
تأملات قيمة جدًا ... لا سيما بالانفتاح على تجارب الدول والشعوب الأخرى .. فلست وحدك من تقاوم !
الكتاب مفيد للحركات النضالية والأشخاص أيضا .. يحوي نصائح وتوجيهات لكيفيةالتمرد والمقاومة السلمية.. فنتعلم من خلال التجربة الامريكية الكثير ... وهو يقدم نقاطا عملية للتعامل مع الاحتجاجات بطريقة لا تعرّض الحركة للخطر
أهم الأفكار التي يعرضها الكتاب برأي - فكرة النضال الشعبي (فلا بد من مشاركة طبقات الشعب كافة للحصول على التغيير المرجو) وذلك لا يتم عن طريق التنظير والتعليم إنما المشاركة بحق!
فكرة أخرى هامة تتمحور حول الأعمال الصغيرة التي يقوم بها مجهولون ..وهي بالأساس تشكل تلك الأوقات العظيمة التي تدخل سجلات التاريخ !!
نعوم تشومسكي يعرفنا على شخصية هوارد زين - كلاهما شخصيات حري بدعاة النضال والتحرير معرفتهما !!
لم يرق لي كثيرا أن الكتاب مترجما ... في بعض الأحيان لم استطع المحافظة على سلاسة القراءة فيه ..
الكتاب مفيد للحركات النضالية والأشخاص أيضا .. يحوي نصائح وتوجيهات لكيفيةالتمرد والمقاومة السلمية.. فنتعلم من خلال التجربة الامريكية الكثير ... وهو يقدم نقاطا عملية للتعامل مع الاحتجاجات بطريقة لا تعرّض الحركة للخطر
أهم الأفكار التي يعرضها الكتاب برأي - فكرة النضال الشعبي (فلا بد من مشاركة طبقات الشعب كافة للحصول على التغيير المرجو) وذلك لا يتم عن طريق التنظير والتعليم إنما المشاركة بحق!
فكرة أخرى هامة تتمحور حول الأعمال الصغيرة التي يقوم بها مجهولون ..وهي بالأساس تشكل تلك الأوقات العظيمة التي تدخل سجلات التاريخ !!
نعوم تشومسكي يعرفنا على شخصية هوارد زين - كلاهما شخصيات حري بدعاة النضال والتحرير معرفتهما !!
لم يرق لي كثيرا أن الكتاب مترجما ... في بعض الأحيان لم استطع المحافظة على سلاسة القراءة فيه ..
September 4, 2013
"THE FIRST MAJOR PUBLIC RESPONSE TO THIRTY YEARS OF CLASS WARFARE"
"Occupy" is a selection of speeches (as well as one interview) made by veteran radical Noam Chomsky at Occupy events in the U.S. late last year.
The speeches are a mixture of Chomsky putting events into context, an extremely brief history of the Neoliberal era (the "Thirty Years of Class War" referred to in the title of this review), a eulogy for the late Howard Zinn (of "A People's History of the United States" fame) and some reluctant but sensible advice on avoiding common pitfalls and difficulties while organising and carrying forward the Occupy movement. A guide on what to do if your arrested at an occupy event in the U.S. (compiled by the National Lawyers Guild) has been helpfully included, and makes interesting reading even for those to whom it is not directly relevant.
This is a fine short (probably not much more than 10,000 words in total) collection, though readers may wish to skip it for (or subsequently move on to) some of his more recent and substantial works such as "Hopes and Prospects", or return to his earlier classics such as "Deterring Democracy", "Year 501: The Conquest Continues" or "Manufacturing Consent". An interesting book for readers wishing to learn more about Occupy as well as the protests across Europe and the uprisings in the Arab World (which Chomsky touches upon) could do far worse than reading Paul Masons "Why It's Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions".
"Occupy" is a selection of speeches (as well as one interview) made by veteran radical Noam Chomsky at Occupy events in the U.S. late last year.
The speeches are a mixture of Chomsky putting events into context, an extremely brief history of the Neoliberal era (the "Thirty Years of Class War" referred to in the title of this review), a eulogy for the late Howard Zinn (of "A People's History of the United States" fame) and some reluctant but sensible advice on avoiding common pitfalls and difficulties while organising and carrying forward the Occupy movement. A guide on what to do if your arrested at an occupy event in the U.S. (compiled by the National Lawyers Guild) has been helpfully included, and makes interesting reading even for those to whom it is not directly relevant.
This is a fine short (probably not much more than 10,000 words in total) collection, though readers may wish to skip it for (or subsequently move on to) some of his more recent and substantial works such as "Hopes and Prospects", or return to his earlier classics such as "Deterring Democracy", "Year 501: The Conquest Continues" or "Manufacturing Consent". An interesting book for readers wishing to learn more about Occupy as well as the protests across Europe and the uprisings in the Arab World (which Chomsky touches upon) could do far worse than reading Paul Masons "Why It's Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions".
January 6, 2013
"Occupy" is one of those books that has a lot of juice. I knew this when I found myself underlining on every second page. It's a small book by Noam Chomski though it is not written by him as it consists of a couple on interviews (of him) and his speech at the Occupy Boston a year ago.
Noam Chomski is a Linguistics professor at MIT and that comes out in the extremely concise and clear way with which he writes and speaks. His ideas, though sometimes tagged as "anarchist" are brave, clear and constructive. I fully recommend this 100 page book everyone who has an interest in politics (mainly American) and the Occupy movement in the USA.
Noam Chomski is a Linguistics professor at MIT and that comes out in the extremely concise and clear way with which he writes and speaks. His ideas, though sometimes tagged as "anarchist" are brave, clear and constructive. I fully recommend this 100 page book everyone who has an interest in politics (mainly American) and the Occupy movement in the USA.
May 16, 2016
Independientemente de que consiguieran ser un acicate posterior al movimiento Occupy, estas pocas páginas son, cinco años después de aquella primavera, un buen recordatorio de lo que todavía nos queda por avanzar. Además, también son una buena invitación a reflexionar acerca del papel de los libros (ésos cuya extinción tanto se presagia) como “armas cargadas”, que al fin y al cabo es el lema de nuestra web. Reseña completa: http://www.libros-prohibidos.com/noam...
February 13, 2023
In my apartment, "Chomsky" has become shorthand for any amount of analysis applied to communications, linguistics, or practical left-wing politics. It's become a sort of joke, but Chomsky's body of work does warrant his name being emblematic of these fields as he's influenced them more than any one academic has in the modern age.
In "Occupy," he very accessibly disseminates a practical approach for class resistance based on both the historical evidence of social change and economic theory. In these Q&A transcripts he's able to instil hope without romanticism, not so much discarding the questions he receives that are based in anger but rephrasing them with a more objective worldview. In doing so, he doesn't strip protestors of their anger (and therefore their passion) but instead helps them direct it towards a more worthwhile facet of the struggle. Chomsky is aware that the majority of Occupy protestors are there because they are on their last leg and last straw, and he speaks to this with deserved empathy. While short, this was an excellent read that I highly recommend to anyone who aligns themselves with left-wing politics and wants to ditch their hopelessness through education.
In "Occupy," he very accessibly disseminates a practical approach for class resistance based on both the historical evidence of social change and economic theory. In these Q&A transcripts he's able to instil hope without romanticism, not so much discarding the questions he receives that are based in anger but rephrasing them with a more objective worldview. In doing so, he doesn't strip protestors of their anger (and therefore their passion) but instead helps them direct it towards a more worthwhile facet of the struggle. Chomsky is aware that the majority of Occupy protestors are there because they are on their last leg and last straw, and he speaks to this with deserved empathy. While short, this was an excellent read that I highly recommend to anyone who aligns themselves with left-wing politics and wants to ditch their hopelessness through education.
April 22, 2015
يقدم لنا نعوم تشومسكي في هذا الكتاب إضاءات حول البنية الهيكلية والشكلية لحركة احتلوا بمنظور بيوغرافي- جيوبوليتكس.
عبر الإجابة عن الأسئلة الرجراجة في الذهن من خلال محادثات ومناقشات أجراها مع أنصار الحركة.
احتلوا،، حركة ثورية لاعنفية استمدت قواها من الشعب، و انطلقت في 17 أيلول 2011 في مدينة نيويورك. والمظهر الأكثر اثارة لهذه الحركة تمثل في إنشاء حلقات اتصال متشعبة في كل أنحاء أميركا مما ساهم في تقوية نفوذها ومطالبها . تشكلت هذه الحركة بهدف تعرية النظام الاجتماعي الثقافي الأميركي الذي هيمنت عليه الرأسمالية بجذورها الضاربة محدثةً خللاً في توزيع الثروات بتساوي بين مختلف شرائح المجتمع، حيث تركزت الثروة في أيدي جزء صغير من 1% من السكان مهددةً بدلك النظام والأمان الإجتماعي ل-99% المتبقية من السكان ، في بلد يعد الأغنى في العالم.
و يقود تركيز الثروة كما ذكر نعوم تشومسكي الى تركيز السلطة السياسية في يد نخبة محددة ، ليتحول الى تشريعاً يَصْب في مصلحة من يطبقونه وتهميش من هم خارج الدائرة وهو ما يؤدي الى تسريع الحلقة المفرغة في المجتمع الذي ينزع للطبقية التي تفكك من تماسكه وتضعفه، فيسود اثر ذلك المرارة والغضب والاحباط وهو ما قاد لتأسيس حركة مناهضة ك-احتلوا بعد ثلاثين عاماً من الحرب الطبقية، التي كشفت عن سوء السياسات المعمول بها في أجندات الحزبان الديمقراطي والجمهوري.
لا تعد هذه الحركة أناركية بالمعنى الحرفي، كما أصبغ عليها البعض بل قامت على أهداف إنسانية واجتماعية في المقام الأول بهيكلة جيدة وتنظيم جيد ، وهي تحارب الرديكالية وتنزع لخلق مستقبل غير طوباوي.
ومن أهم الأهداف التي قامت من أجلها الحركة هي:
-احتلال الاتجاه العام والانتقال من الخيم الى قلوب الجماهير ، من مثل السعي لاصلاح النظام الصحي - التأمينات الصحية.
- عرقلة قمع الحركة عن طريق حماية حق 99% في حرية التجمع من دون التعرض للهجوم العنيف.
- وقف عد الشركة شخصاً معنوياً، فهي غير مخولة الحصول بالكامل على الحماية او الحقوق التي يتمتع بها الأشخاص الطبيعيون. وهي ما نجحت فيه الحركة ، حيث تم تعديل الدستور لا حقاً امتثالاً لمطالبها .
كما ساهمت- احتلوا-في رفع الوعي المجتمعي والسياسي ووضع غياب المساواة في الحياة اليومية على جدول الأعمال الوطنية ، وأثرت في النقل الإخباري وفي الإدراك العام وفي اللغة المتعاطاة نفسها- " تجسيداً ل- نظرية الاحتواء".
وأحدثت ثورة في المفهوم المجتمعي والاجتماعي وحاربت أيديولوجية الاكتفاء المنادي ب- " الاكتفاء بنفسك ونسيان أمر كل واحد آخر" وهو نمط التفكير السائد والمزروع في عقول الناس على مدى 150 عاماً الماضية" إبان الثورة الصناعية" بف��ض هيكليات بنيوية جامدة تحد من حرية واستقلال الناس فكرياً ومادياً وهو ما ينافي روح العصر الجديد.
وكذلك استحداث استراتيجيات استدلالية لمحاربة الخطابات المدفوعة أيديولوجيا والتي تسيطر على السياسات التي يتم التعامل بها في الحياة اليومية لخلق مجتمعات متساوية و ذات إسهام مشترك "متضامنة ".
يتطلع نعوم تشومسكي من تسليط الضوء على هذه الحركة الى رفع الوعي المجتمعي بأهمية العمل الاجتماعي والجماعي المنظم في الحد من الأنظمة الرديكالية والبيروقراطية المسيطرة على المناخ العام لمعظم الأنظمة السياسية والاجتماعية، وحثها على المطالبة بحقوقها المدنية بالتجر�� من سطوة السلطة.
و الالتفاف لجماعة المهمشين او المجهولين في المجتمع.
كما سعى الى الكشف عن دور الحركات الفردية في كسر وخلخلت الفكر النمطي الكامن في النسيج الوجداني الجمعي، وأثره في عملية التواصل والاتصال والتعلم بالتلاقح الإجتماعي لتحقيق الأهداف المشتركة." هوارد زين نموذجاً".
الحركات الجماهيرية تنجح كلما كانت الأهداف واضحة ومنظمة ومتفق عليها وفق منهج عملي محدد .
عبر الإجابة عن الأسئلة الرجراجة في الذهن من خلال محادثات ومناقشات أجراها مع أنصار الحركة.
احتلوا،، حركة ثورية لاعنفية استمدت قواها من الشعب، و انطلقت في 17 أيلول 2011 في مدينة نيويورك. والمظهر الأكثر اثارة لهذه الحركة تمثل في إنشاء حلقات اتصال متشعبة في كل أنحاء أميركا مما ساهم في تقوية نفوذها ومطالبها . تشكلت هذه الحركة بهدف تعرية النظام الاجتماعي الثقافي الأميركي الذي هيمنت عليه الرأسمالية بجذورها الضاربة محدثةً خللاً في توزيع الثروات بتساوي بين مختلف شرائح المجتمع، حيث تركزت الثروة في أيدي جزء صغير من 1% من السكان مهددةً بدلك النظام والأمان الإجتماعي ل-99% المتبقية من السكان ، في بلد يعد الأغنى في العالم.
و يقود تركيز الثروة كما ذكر نعوم تشومسكي الى تركيز السلطة السياسية في يد نخبة محددة ، ليتحول الى تشريعاً يَصْب في مصلحة من يطبقونه وتهميش من هم خارج الدائرة وهو ما يؤدي الى تسريع الحلقة المفرغة في المجتمع الذي ينزع للطبقية التي تفكك من تماسكه وتضعفه، فيسود اثر ذلك المرارة والغضب والاحباط وهو ما قاد لتأسيس حركة مناهضة ك-احتلوا بعد ثلاثين عاماً من الحرب الطبقية، التي كشفت عن سوء السياسات المعمول بها في أجندات الحزبان الديمقراطي والجمهوري.
لا تعد هذه الحركة أناركية بالمعنى الحرفي، كما أصبغ عليها البعض بل قامت على أهداف إنسانية واجتماعية في المقام الأول بهيكلة جيدة وتنظيم جيد ، وهي تحارب الرديكالية وتنزع لخلق مستقبل غير طوباوي.
ومن أهم الأهداف التي قامت من أجلها الحركة هي:
-احتلال الاتجاه العام والانتقال من الخيم الى قلوب الجماهير ، من مثل السعي لاصلاح النظام الصحي - التأمينات الصحية.
- عرقلة قمع الحركة عن طريق حماية حق 99% في حرية التجمع من دون التعرض للهجوم العنيف.
- وقف عد الشركة شخصاً معنوياً، فهي غير مخولة الحصول بالكامل على الحماية او الحقوق التي يتمتع بها الأشخاص الطبيعيون. وهي ما نجحت فيه الحركة ، حيث تم تعديل الدستور لا حقاً امتثالاً لمطالبها .
كما ساهمت- احتلوا-في رفع الوعي المجتمعي والسياسي ووضع غياب المساواة في الحياة اليومية على جدول الأعمال الوطنية ، وأثرت في النقل الإخباري وفي الإدراك العام وفي اللغة المتعاطاة نفسها- " تجسيداً ل- نظرية الاحتواء".
وأحدثت ثورة في المفهوم المجتمعي والاجتماعي وحاربت أيديولوجية الاكتفاء المنادي ب- " الاكتفاء بنفسك ونسيان أمر كل واحد آخر" وهو نمط التفكير السائد والمزروع في عقول الناس على مدى 150 عاماً الماضية" إبان الثورة الصناعية" بف��ض هيكليات بنيوية جامدة تحد من حرية واستقلال الناس فكرياً ومادياً وهو ما ينافي روح العصر الجديد.
وكذلك استحداث استراتيجيات استدلالية لمحاربة الخطابات المدفوعة أيديولوجيا والتي تسيطر على السياسات التي يتم التعامل بها في الحياة اليومية لخلق مجتمعات متساوية و ذات إسهام مشترك "متضامنة ".
يتطلع نعوم تشومسكي من تسليط الضوء على هذه الحركة الى رفع الوعي المجتمعي بأهمية العمل الاجتماعي والجماعي المنظم في الحد من الأنظمة الرديكالية والبيروقراطية المسيطرة على المناخ العام لمعظم الأنظمة السياسية والاجتماعية، وحثها على المطالبة بحقوقها المدنية بالتجر�� من سطوة السلطة.
و الالتفاف لجماعة المهمشين او المجهولين في المجتمع.
كما سعى الى الكشف عن دور الحركات الفردية في كسر وخلخلت الفكر النمطي الكامن في النسيج الوجداني الجمعي، وأثره في عملية التواصل والاتصال والتعلم بالتلاقح الإجتماعي لتحقيق الأهداف المشتركة." هوارد زين نموذجاً".
الحركات الجماهيرية تنجح كلما كانت الأهداف واضحة ومنظمة ومتفق عليها وفق منهج عملي محدد .
April 18, 2017
مبدئيا؛ هي قراءتي الأولى لنعوم تشومسكي..
كل ما في الكتاب، هو مجموعة قصيرة من حوارات أجريت مع البروفيسور، أو محاضارات ألقاها، وختمها برأيه حول شخصية هوارد زين.
ذكر البروفيسور عدة افكار حساسة ومهمة إضافة لتأملات قيمة، لكن بصفة سريعة وسطحية، وهذا معقول مادام يتحدث أمام الجمهور في محاضرة محددة بتوقيت معين، بالتالي لا يمكنه شرح كل ما أريد فهمه...
تلك الأفكار ستدفعني حتما لقراءة كتب أخرى له علني أجد فيها التوضيح العميق.
أهم الأفكار التي خرجت بها من الكتاب:
"لا يعني التثقيف مجرد ابلاغ الناس بما عليهم أن يؤمنوا به بل يعني تعلم الأمور بأنفسنا"
"إذا أردتم تغيير العالم في اتجاه بناء فمن الأفضل لكم محاولة فهمه أولا. ولا يعني فهمه مجرد الاستماع إلى حديث أو قراءة كتاب. وان كان ذلك يساعد أحيانا. بل يعني التعلم ولا يتعلم المرء إلا بالمشاركة"
"
"المجتمع البنيوي المنظم؛ ترتكز فيه السلطة في القاعدة"
كل ما في الكتاب، هو مجموعة قصيرة من حوارات أجريت مع البروفيسور، أو محاضارات ألقاها، وختمها برأيه حول شخصية هوارد زين.
ذكر البروفيسور عدة افكار حساسة ومهمة إضافة لتأملات قيمة، لكن بصفة سريعة وسطحية، وهذا معقول مادام يتحدث أمام الجمهور في محاضرة محددة بتوقيت معين، بالتالي لا يمكنه شرح كل ما أريد فهمه...
تلك الأفكار ستدفعني حتما لقراءة كتب أخرى له علني أجد فيها التوضيح العميق.
أهم الأفكار التي خرجت بها من الكتاب:
"لا يعني التثقيف مجرد ابلاغ الناس بما عليهم أن يؤمنوا به بل يعني تعلم الأمور بأنفسنا"
"إذا أردتم تغيير العالم في اتجاه بناء فمن الأفضل لكم محاولة فهمه أولا. ولا يعني فهمه مجرد الاستماع إلى حديث أو قراءة كتاب. وان كان ذلك يساعد أحيانا. بل يعني التعلم ولا يتعلم المرء إلا بالمشاركة"
"
"المجتمع البنيوي المنظم؛ ترتكز فيه السلطة في القاعدة"
June 11, 2013
Окупирай настоящето в името на бъдното: http://knigolandia.info/book-review/o...
От трибуната на своята репутация Чомски сипе огън и жупел връз политическата класа, нагласените избори, изчезващата демокрация, разпалването на консумеризма, на оглупяващия стремеж към забавления и всички други добре познати недостатъци на САЩ. На няколко места той все пак признава, че американците като цяло са далеч по-добре от повечето страни в света, но утвърждава някакво хипотетично щастливо състояние, което можело да се реализира, ако парите бъдат изтеглени от политиката, ако корпорациите загубят привилегированото си положение, ако хората бъдат по-единни и удържат дълго време курса на движението “Окупирай”.
издателство "Труд"
http://knigolandia.info/book-review/o...
От трибуната на своята репутация Чомски сипе огън и жупел връз политическата класа, нагласените избори, изчезващата демокрация, разпалването на консумеризма, на оглупяващия стремеж към забавления и всички други добре познати недостатъци на САЩ. На няколко места той все пак признава, че американците като цяло са далеч по-добре от повечето страни в света, но утвърждава някакво хипотетично щастливо състояние, което можело да се реализира, ако парите бъдат изтеглени от политиката, ако корпорациите загубят привилегированото си положение, ако хората бъдат по-единни и удържат дълго време курса на движението “Окупирай”.
издателство "Труд"
http://knigolandia.info/book-review/o...
October 7, 2013
Occupy is a brief recap of some of Chomsky's speeches and thoughts at the time of the 2011 Occupy movement in the US. If you're already familiar with Chomsky's political mindset, then this is much of the same, but if you're new to it, you'll find it a good little introduction to his ideas on anarchism and how people can organise for change in society.
At the end of this edition, there's a particularly moving tribute to the wonderful Howard Zinn and a brief Q&A offering legal advice to activists in the US.
At the end of this edition, there's a particularly moving tribute to the wonderful Howard Zinn and a brief Q&A offering legal advice to activists in the US.
April 18, 2016
"There are places where Howard's life(Howard Zinn) and work should have particular resonance. One, which should be much better known, is Turkey. I know of no other country where leading writers, artists, journalists, academica and other intellectuals have compiled such an impressive record of bravery and integrity in condemning the crimes of the state, and going beyond to engage in civil disobedience to try to bring oppression and violance to an end, facing and sometimes enduring severe repression, and then returning to the task." Bayraklari asin gencler
June 28, 2016
This doesn't exactly have a narrative, but it's essentially Chomsky's point-of-view of the "Occupy Wall Street" movement (which obviously became more than just Wall Street) told mainly through different interviews he did whilst at Occupy events. It's what it says on the tin! But, because it's a non-fiction political book, of course it includes references to many other issues -- with quick snapshots of things like the Vietnam War, the meaning of democracy, and the importance of taking action for things you believe in.
May 6, 2012
So stimulative, although very short. Largely focused on the Occupy movement in the US, but is applicable to ones in else where or any other grass-root activities. Made me think of how I could take an active role to change system in my home country that is equally depressed -- and the world ultimately. Also I got to be wanting to know more about current affairs worldwide.
December 25, 2014
Chomsky gives examples of successful outcomes of previous popular struggles and advice that the Occupy movement and others can make use of in this important present protest. Many important questions were asked and Chomsky delivered useful answers to most of them. Book also includes a tribute to Howard Zinn.
July 29, 2017
great discussion on the potentials of the occupy movement. but some of parts on the political economy of the roots of the present crisis (i.e. everything was okay until neoliberal assault 30 years ago) misses its mark
September 8, 2020
Livro constituído por palestras/encontros entre Noam Chomsky e os manifestantes que iniciaram o movimento Occupy, onde Chomsky enaltece o movimento, esclarece questões colocadas pelos manifestantes acerca da luta de classes, da importância da consciência de classe, nas formas de luta e de organização que podem ter sucesso na transformação institucional, tanto ao nível político como ao nível do tecido industrial e da posse dos meios de produção.
Chomsky enaltece também o exemplo de outros ativistas em movimentos similares, nomeadamente Howard Zinn e o seu papel inspirador nas manifestações de protesto dos afro-americanos pelos direitos civis e também nas manifestações contra a guerra do Vietname. Com este exemplo pretende demonstrar como o papel de alguém anónimo se pode tornar importante na mudança, e desta forma, pode ser visto como um incentivo à participação na demonstração do descontentamento individual com as injustiças sentidas.
Por fim, um capítulo que não é mais que um manual do manifestante, ou seja, como ir a uma manifestação e como se comportar aquando de uma possível situação de detenção por parte das autoridades policiais.
É um livro importante e esclarecedor e assente em factos que podem ser escondidos mas não negados.
Chomsky enaltece também o exemplo de outros ativistas em movimentos similares, nomeadamente Howard Zinn e o seu papel inspirador nas manifestações de protesto dos afro-americanos pelos direitos civis e também nas manifestações contra a guerra do Vietname. Com este exemplo pretende demonstrar como o papel de alguém anónimo se pode tornar importante na mudança, e desta forma, pode ser visto como um incentivo à participação na demonstração do descontentamento individual com as injustiças sentidas.
Por fim, um capítulo que não é mais que um manual do manifestante, ou seja, como ir a uma manifestação e como se comportar aquando de uma possível situação de detenção por parte das autoridades policiais.
É um livro importante e esclarecedor e assente em factos que podem ser escondidos mas não negados.
July 4, 2022
read in one sitting. this book was not written by Chomsky, it's rather a collection of interviews he's done. i guess it's interesting as an introduction if you've never thought about the movement or protestation against the rich/class war in general... otherwise, it's kind of bland, doesn't go further than surface level/ again, this is coming from someone who has been thinking about these issues since she was a teenager. i don't agree with everything he says but we do agree on most things :) i also really appreciate the effort to pay homage to Howard Zinn <3
January 12, 2018
Το Occupy περιλαμβάνει κυρίως σκέψεις του Τσόμσκι (από συνεντεύξεις και ομιλίες του) πάνω στα ζητήματα της αλληλεγγύης, της αυτοδιαχείρισης και της συλλογικότητας με κατεύθυνση την ενίσχυση του κινήματος Occupy, παρά μια ανάλυση ή αφήγηση της δράσης του ίδιου του κινήματος.
Βέβαια περιέχει διάφορα αρκετά ενδιαφέροντα ιστορικά στοιχεία για το αμερικάνικο εργατικό κίνημα, αλλά και σχόλια για την οικονομική και πολιτική συγκυρία, που αξίζει να διαβάσει κανείς. Όμως παραμένουν κατά κύριο λόγο διάσπαρτα και κάποιες φορές επαναλαμβανόμενα.
Βέβαια περιέχει διάφορα αρκετά ενδιαφέροντα ιστορικά στοιχεία για το αμερικάνικο εργατικό κίνημα, αλλά και σχόλια για την οικονομική και πολιτική συγκυρία, που αξίζει να διαβάσει κανείς. Όμως παραμένουν κατά κύριο λόγο διάσπαρτα και κάποιες φορές επαναλαμβανόμενα.
June 21, 2017
يضم هذا الكتاب سلسلة من المحاضرات والحوارات التي تمّت مع نعوم تشومسكي لمناقشة حركة "احتلوا" التي ابتدأت أمريكية، وباتت عالمية، والتي يتمثل مطلبها الأساسي في محاربة الطبقية المتواجدة بين الأغنياء والفقراء في المجتمعات الرأسمالية.
February 20, 2015
That’s a great movement. I heard, just coming out here this evening, that the first Occupy the
’Hood action took place just yesterday in Boston. And it’s been happening in other places, New
York, and elsewhere. That’s perfect. It’s just the kind of reaching out in the general community that makes sense. People have to do it themselves. I can’t tell people at an Occupy in Roxbury what to do, and if I did, they shouldn’t listen to me. They know how to do it. We should work hard to get this integrated. And that means again, not just telling people “here’s what you should believe,” but learning from them. What do they want? What do they need? What can we learn from them? How can we find ways to work together to overcome barriers and tensions and become part of a dedicated, ongoing, sustained movement which is
going to last a long time? Most of these goals that we are talking about cannot be attained in a couple of weeks or months—actually some of them can—but most of them involve a long struggle. People with power don’t give it up unless they have to. And that takes work.
Earlier this month, the Pew Foundation released one of its annual polls surveying what people think is the greatest source of tension and conflict in American life. For the first time ever, concern over income inequality was way at the top. It’s not that the poll measured income inequality itself, but the degree to which public recognition, comprehension and understanding of the issue has gone up. That’s a tribute to the Occupy movement which put this strikingly critical fact of modern life on the agenda so that people who may have known of it from their own personal experience see that they are not alone, that this is all of us. In fact, the U.S. is off the spectrum on this. The inequalities have risen to historically unprecedented heights. In the words of the first lines of the report: “The Occupy Wall Street movement no longer occupies Wall Street, but the issue of class conflict has captured a growing share of the national consciousness. A new Pew Research Center survey of 2,048 adults finds that about two-thirds of the public (66%) believes there are ‘very strong’ or ‘strong’ conflicts between the rich and the poor—an increase of 19 percentage points since 2009. Not only have perceptions of class conflict grown more prevalent; so, too, has the belief that these disputes are intense
During the onset of the Industrial Revolution in Eastern Massachusetts, mid-nineteenth century, there happened to be a very lively press run by working people, young women in the factories, artisans in the mills, and so on. They had their own press that was very interesting, very widely read and had a lot of support. And they bitterly condemned the way the industrial system was taking away their freedom and liberty and imposing on them rigid hierarchical structures that they didn’t want. One of their main complaints was what they called “the new spirit of the age: gain wealth forgetting all but self.” For 150 years there have been massive efforts to try to impose “the new spirit of the age” on people. But it’s so inhuman that there’s a lot of resistance, and it continues. One of the real achievements of the Occupy movement, I think, has been to develop a real manifestation of rejection of this in a very striking way. The people involved are not in it for themselves. They’re in it for one another, for the broader society and for future generations. The bonds and associations being formed, if they can persist and if they can be brought into the wider community, would be the real defense against the inevitable repression with its sometimes violent manifestations.
There are other kinds of popular organization that have had major effects. The country is a much more civilized place now than it was in the 1960s in many respects. Take, for example, women’s rights. In the 1960s, women literally still were not guaranteed the right to serve on juries. They’d won the right to vote forty years before, but by the 1960s, in many states, they couldn’t serve on juries. In 1960, my university was almost 100 percent white male. Now it’s much more diverse and that’s the case over much of the country. Well, that’s a big change in the nature of the society and the culture. It didn’t happen by magic. It wasn’t a gift from above. It came from extensive organizing activities and corresponding actions which finally broke down a lot of barriers and freed things up. That’s the way changes take place. And all those methods are still available
To have a revolution—a meaningful one—you need a substantial majority of the population who recognize or believe that further reform is not possible within the institutional framework that exists. And there is nothing like that here, not even remotely
’Hood action took place just yesterday in Boston. And it’s been happening in other places, New
York, and elsewhere. That’s perfect. It’s just the kind of reaching out in the general community that makes sense. People have to do it themselves. I can’t tell people at an Occupy in Roxbury what to do, and if I did, they shouldn’t listen to me. They know how to do it. We should work hard to get this integrated. And that means again, not just telling people “here’s what you should believe,” but learning from them. What do they want? What do they need? What can we learn from them? How can we find ways to work together to overcome barriers and tensions and become part of a dedicated, ongoing, sustained movement which is
going to last a long time? Most of these goals that we are talking about cannot be attained in a couple of weeks or months—actually some of them can—but most of them involve a long struggle. People with power don’t give it up unless they have to. And that takes work.
Earlier this month, the Pew Foundation released one of its annual polls surveying what people think is the greatest source of tension and conflict in American life. For the first time ever, concern over income inequality was way at the top. It’s not that the poll measured income inequality itself, but the degree to which public recognition, comprehension and understanding of the issue has gone up. That’s a tribute to the Occupy movement which put this strikingly critical fact of modern life on the agenda so that people who may have known of it from their own personal experience see that they are not alone, that this is all of us. In fact, the U.S. is off the spectrum on this. The inequalities have risen to historically unprecedented heights. In the words of the first lines of the report: “The Occupy Wall Street movement no longer occupies Wall Street, but the issue of class conflict has captured a growing share of the national consciousness. A new Pew Research Center survey of 2,048 adults finds that about two-thirds of the public (66%) believes there are ‘very strong’ or ‘strong’ conflicts between the rich and the poor—an increase of 19 percentage points since 2009. Not only have perceptions of class conflict grown more prevalent; so, too, has the belief that these disputes are intense
During the onset of the Industrial Revolution in Eastern Massachusetts, mid-nineteenth century, there happened to be a very lively press run by working people, young women in the factories, artisans in the mills, and so on. They had their own press that was very interesting, very widely read and had a lot of support. And they bitterly condemned the way the industrial system was taking away their freedom and liberty and imposing on them rigid hierarchical structures that they didn’t want. One of their main complaints was what they called “the new spirit of the age: gain wealth forgetting all but self.” For 150 years there have been massive efforts to try to impose “the new spirit of the age” on people. But it’s so inhuman that there’s a lot of resistance, and it continues. One of the real achievements of the Occupy movement, I think, has been to develop a real manifestation of rejection of this in a very striking way. The people involved are not in it for themselves. They’re in it for one another, for the broader society and for future generations. The bonds and associations being formed, if they can persist and if they can be brought into the wider community, would be the real defense against the inevitable repression with its sometimes violent manifestations.
There are other kinds of popular organization that have had major effects. The country is a much more civilized place now than it was in the 1960s in many respects. Take, for example, women’s rights. In the 1960s, women literally still were not guaranteed the right to serve on juries. They’d won the right to vote forty years before, but by the 1960s, in many states, they couldn’t serve on juries. In 1960, my university was almost 100 percent white male. Now it’s much more diverse and that’s the case over much of the country. Well, that’s a big change in the nature of the society and the culture. It didn’t happen by magic. It wasn’t a gift from above. It came from extensive organizing activities and corresponding actions which finally broke down a lot of barriers and freed things up. That’s the way changes take place. And all those methods are still available
To have a revolution—a meaningful one—you need a substantial majority of the population who recognize or believe that further reform is not possible within the institutional framework that exists. And there is nothing like that here, not even remotely
March 10, 2018
كتيب ممتع يتحدث عن حركة occupy الأمريكية ، والكتيب عبارة عن تفريغ لمحاضرتين يتخللهما أسئلة ومقابلة مع المفكر الكبير ناعوم تشومسكي ..
الكتيب موجه للمجتمع الأمريكي أصالة إلا أن الأمر لا يخلو مع تشومسكي من فوائد جمة في معرفة طبيعة النظام الأمريكي - الذي يحكم العالم بصورة أو بأخرى - كذلك هناك العديد من الفوائد الإقتصادية ونصائح لحركات العصيان المدني والإحتجاج السلمي ..
هناك الكثير مما يمكن مناقشته في الكتيب لكن أظن أن لهذا مكان آخر ..
في الختام لا بد أن تدرك أنك لا تقرأ شيئا كتبه ناعوم تشومسكي وتكون من النادمين أبدا ..
الكتيب موجه للمجتمع الأمريكي أصالة إلا أن الأمر لا يخلو مع تشومسكي من فوائد جمة في معرفة طبيعة النظام الأمريكي - الذي يحكم العالم بصورة أو بأخرى - كذلك هناك العديد من الفوائد الإقتصادية ونصائح لحركات العصيان المدني والإحتجاج السلمي ..
هناك الكثير مما يمكن مناقشته في الكتيب لكن أظن أن لهذا مكان آخر ..
في الختام لا بد أن تدرك أنك لا تقرأ شيئا كتبه ناعوم تشومسكي وتكون من النادمين أبدا ..
March 23, 2020
محاضرات لتشوميسكي
حقيقه لم استفد من ذلك الكتاب ولكن هو الكتاب رقم 400
حقيقه لم استفد من ذلك الكتاب ولكن هو الكتاب رقم 400
January 1, 2016
Occupy is a gathering of various interviews and transcripts of speeches by Chomsky on the ideas and aspirations of the Occupy movement. Briefly, the sage of MIT sees Occupy as a result of a 30-year class war, which started with the adoption by the US and other Westrn powers of neoliberal policies in the 1970s, overturning the post-war decades with their focus on industrial development and the pursuit of common gain. In a reversal of this economic policy, industrial jobs were exported, and 'financial manipulation' (lovely phrase) was allowed to proceed unhindered by government regulation. Welfare was demonized (Reagan's successful rhetoric in this department is acknowldged), the market became volatile with bubbles and crashes, and profits were distributed largely to the 1%. The institutions which oversaw the crash precipitated by the subprime housing scam were bailed out, thus encouraging a lax attitude towards risk and increasing the threat of another crash. In the $8 trillion loss, many people, overwhelmingly of the poor working class, lost most or all of their net worth. In Wall Street the normal business of bonuses was soon back to normal. With money comes power, and the power of the rich was (is) accordingly used to promote the system that enriches them, sold to the public through media and public relations strategies. Influential jobs on Congress committees, Chomsky points out, are more or less openly on sale. The Occupy movement articulates resistance to this state of affairs. It has been acused of being inchoate, but specific policy demands can be identified, such as the campaign to deny corporations the rights of persons, a demand which has had some success. More broadly, Occupy has brought into wider circulation ideas such as the 1% and forced debate on a number of social policy issues generally marginalised by standard media. In raising the possibility of concerted community action, government from the bottom up, Occupy actually comes close to the ghostly social policies that have come and gone - the Third Way, Big Society (remember that?). Looked at point by point, it is notably unradical. Chomsky's pamphlet was not conceived as a book, but then nor was Luther's table talk, I suppose. Thre's nothing wrong in capturing good talk on the page. As a volume, though, 'Occupy' contains a number of repetitions and reiterations of the same few points, and since the interviews are short and somewhat sycophantic these are never challenged or deveoped. Nonetheless, Chomsky as a speaker has a gift for concision and clarity and can get swiftly to the essence of an issue. I was happy to read the same points made in different conversations - probably my sieve brain needs it - and as always with Chomsky there are teacherly nuggets along the way (you can respond to an argument, not to an opinion, as he explains succinctly at one point). His view that we should thin of maximizing quality f life rather than material gain is taken up by the book I'm presently reading, the Skidelskys' 'How Much is Enough?'. While I appreciated the content, I think the quality of the publication could have been improved with more references and a reading list rather than the striking but rather uninformative photographs that separate the sections. For some reason it was felt necessary to have an introduction which merely paraphrases the ideas we are about to read several times anyway. Still, a lucid and valuable handbook on the economic issues which define, and divide the fractured Western world today. It ends with a touching tribute to the life and work of historian Howard Zinn.
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